We have seen several examples lately that America’s largest abortion profiteer, Planned Parenthood, is opening new facilities across the country and using deception and dishonesty to do so. In one high-profile example, they recently completed construction on a new 22,000-square-foot state-of-the-art death camp in Aurora, Illinois, that they readily admit was built with it’s true purpose and real owner’s identity intentionally concealed from the public.
While it is understandable that the pro-life movement would be outraged at the naked corruption Planned Parenthood is using in its expansion plans, we must not allow that outrage to blind us to the motivation behind this expansion. The truth is that, in this case, our enemy’s motives are far more important than their methods.
It is well known that an ongoing problem for the abortion lobby is their rapidly shrinking number of facilities. From the peak years of the late 1980s, approximately two-thirds of the abortion clinics in America have closed permanently, primarily because the abortion industry has been unable to hire enough employees to keep them open.
In the 1980s, most of Planned Parenthood’s death camps had all the abortionists they needed including reserves in case one of the “regulars” went on vacation. Today, the reserves are long gone and most facilities are forced to make do with just one contract killer on the payroll. As for the support staff, it’s pretty much the same story.
Of course, the abortion lobby says their recruiting problems are a result of “pro-life violence” when, in fact, the amount of violence directed at the abortion industry over the years has been incredibly low. When the U.S. Department of Justice or the FBI publish studies on workplace violence, the rate of violence at abortion clinics is so statistically insignificant that it doesn’t even make it into the final reports.
So before we go further, let’s put this “pro-life violence” myth to rest once and for all. Even if you focus on the time period during which the most violence was committed against the abortion industry, it is clear that all of this arm-flapping and hand-wringing about pro-life violence is nonsense. Of the seven murders that have occurred at American abortion mills in the last 34 years, five occurred in 1993 and 1994 alone. However, according to statistics from the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, during those same two years there were 2,154 other people killed in work-related homicides in the United States including seven school teachers, four members of the clergy, 10 lawyers, nine newspaper vendors, seven writers, six realtors, 22 waiters or waitresses, four groundskeepers, five architects, 40 garage or service station attendants, 23 auto mechanics, 21 janitors, 10 hairdressers, six farmers and four carpenters.
In other words, during the period of the greatest violence against abortionists in history, more farmers and twice as many hairdressers were murdered on the job than abortion clinic workers and abortionists combined. This does not even take into account the taxi drivers, convenience store employees, police officers, firefighters, and others who were killed during that same time period.
The fact is, the abortion industry’s inability to recruit and keep employees has nothing to do with violence. The explanation most often given is the increasing stigma associated with abortion.
The abortion lobby had always counted on legalization to erase the stigma of abortion, but that never happened. What they refused to accept was that abortion is like pornography and prostitution in that the stigma is related to the act itself and not to its legal status. That means the stigma is never going to go away. Today, the abortion industry finally seems resigned to this and has decided that the stench of abortion is something they will just have to live with.
As legitimate an issue as stigma is, however, it is not the only thing that keeps these death camps understaffed. The abortion industry is also facing a financial crisis that has been brewing since the day this battle began. And this is a problem they can’t just live with.
In the first few years of legalized abortion, studies were taken to determine the cost of an abortion. The findings were that, generally speaking, the price was between $300 and $350. Interestingly, those figures have changed little since then. That begs the question: with no competition and a seemingly reliable demand, why have they been unable to raise prices in almost 35 years?
The answer is that, contrary to appearances, the demand is not reliable.
In any marketing environment, all decisions fall onto a “marginal / non-marginal” scale. Decisions based on “want” are considered marginal while those based on “need” are classified as non-marginal. A major factor in determining where a decision falls on this scale is its degree of price sensitivity. The more price sensitive something is, the more marginal the buying decision is. This is true about all purchasing decisions, including the decision about whether to “purchase” an abortion or not.
Since day one, the abortion industry has pushed this idea that when a woman does not want to be pregnant she will crawl through hell on broken glass to get an abortion. In other words, their contention is that the abortion decision is a non-marginal one. For that to be true, it would also have to be true that the cost of abortion does not significantly affect the abortion rate.
Contrary to abortion industry claims, the evidence does not support this. The financial publication, Economic Inquiry, Vol. XXVI, April 1988, produced a study about the relationship between abortion cost and abortion rates and found that, “The significant inverse relationship between the price of abortions and the abortion rate confirms that the fundamental law of demand is applicable to abortions.” In other words, as the cost of abortion goes up, the demand for abortion goes down. This finding has been confirmed by other independent studies which have also documented that an inverse relationship exists between the price of abortion and the rate of abortion.
Perhaps even more revealing is a quote from Colorado abortionist, Warren Hern. During a May, 1997, annual meeting of the National Abortion Federation held in Boston, Massachusetts, the subject was the use of ultrasound in abortion. Hern complained that paying for the ultrasound machine would increase the cost of an abortion by $25. In his own words, this would cause the patient load to plummet. What Hern was saying was that, not only does price affect the abortion rate, even small increases in price have an overpowering impact on it. This was real-world confirmation—from someone on the inside—that the abortion lobby’s “hell on broken glass” rhetoric is a lie and that the abortion decision is, in most cases, a marginal one.
The obvious solution to the abortion industry’s current financial dilemma would be for them to raise prices to meet their increased costs and simply make more money off fewer killings. But as fiscally reasonable as that may sound, the abortion lobby knows it is not a viable option. They have long understood that, in order to maintain abortion’s legality, they need the political and cultural inertia created by a high abortion rate. This has put them in a kind of “Catch 22” situation. They need higher abortion prices to solve their financial problems, but the lowered abortion rate produced by these higher prices would threaten their political survivability.
That is why the abortion industry has not raised prices for almost 35 years. The problem they now face is that the cost of doing business has risen dramatically during that time. So while a $350 abortion may have been profitable in 1973 dollars, it may not be profitable in today’s dollars.
That has prevented the abortion industry from being unable to compete for employees with the rest of the medical community. One result of this has been that the quality of the employees they can hire is abysmally low. With almost no exceptions, there is no way the typical abortion clinic worker could get a job in any other medical-related field. Another result has been that, other than the actual abortionists, most abortion industry workers make very little money. Even for staunchly pro-choice employees who are not bothered by the stigma, this has kept morale low and turnover rates astronomical.
The point of all this is brutally simple. In order to survive, the abortion industry has to find a way to raise their prices without lowering the abortion rate.
Enter Hillary Clinton.
Planned Parenthood’s current expansion is their way of betting that Slick Hilly is going to be the next president. They are also counting on her to install a system of socialized medicine that will include elective abortion. So even though the Choice Mafia rallies their troops with red-meat rhetoric about Supreme Court appointments who could take away “the right to choose,” what they are most giddy about is the possibility of government-funded abortions. That is the driving force behind Planned Parenthood’s expansion agenda. They see Hillary Care getting larger in the rearview mirror and are positioning themselves to be a major player in it.
You may think I’m baying at the moon here, but if there is one thing I know for certain it is this: at the moment national healthcare becomes a reality, the cost to the taxpayer for an abortion that now costs about $350 will, instantly, be many times that amount. I know this is true because a model for it already exists. All you have to do is imagine two women sitting in an abortion clinic waiting to have identical first-trimester abortions. One is paying cash; the second has a health insurance policy to cover her abortion. The first woman will probably get out the door for the usual $350 or so. But make no mistake about it, the second woman’s insurance company will be lucky to escape with anything less than a $3000 claim to pay.
That scenario is repeated at abortion clinics all across America every day. It is also why the nation’s death merchants see Hillary Care as their salvation. They are relying on socialized medicine to solve their current financial problems by converting every $350 private-pay abortion into a $3000 government-pay abortion. The icing on the cake is that, since the customers will be offered these abortions for “free,” the abortion rate is guaranteed to skyrocket.
Like I always say, if you want to understand the abortion business, just follow the money trail. The signpost ahead reads, Rodham and Gomorrah.